Hitler's Gulf War

The Fight for Iraq, 1941

Pen and Sword Books Ltd

Contents

Slippery Slope to War

Baghdad, 28 February 1941

Outwardly the white villa with its green window shades in a quiet palm-lined street looked nothing more than the home of a wealthy Iraqi merchant or leading civil servant.

In fact, the large, two-storey structure, with big airy rooms, complete with a garden shaded by nebk trees and surrounded by a 2 m high wall, had been built in the early 1900s as the city residence of a leading pasha in the Ottoman administration.

Since October 1939 the villa in Zahawi Street provided by the Iraqi government was the official residence of Haj Amin, the Mufti of Jerusalem.

The only thing out of the ordinary on that late February day was the succession of unmarked cars that drew up to the entrance to the villa around 10 o'clock that morning.

The first car, a highly polished black Studebaker, arrived at ten minutes to ten and deposited three men outside the villa. All three had a military bearing and looked uncomfortable wearing civilian clothes. A few minutes later, from the direction of central Baghdad, a grey Mercedes drew up to the main gate, and a small man in a white suit and a red fez, carrying a black briefcase, hurried past the guards into the villa. At two minutes past ten o'clock a dark blue, dust-covered Wolseley with a dented wing stopped outside the villa. The two men inside had driven themselves, and a guard slipped behind the wheel and drove off as the two men walked down into the sunken garden, designed like most Baghdad suburban gardens for watering, and mounted the steps to the villa.

Once assembled in one of the larger downstairs rooms, the six guests were joined by their host, the Mufti.

Haj Amin, a tall man, surveyed the gathering. The Mufti's delicate features and gentle manner, accentuated by his unusually bright, deep blue eyes, trimmed and hennaed goatee, which gave him his nickname, 'The Red Fox'. His calm voice belied his zealousness and his malevolent and violent nature. He was ruthless, humourless and of the authentic stuff of which dictators are made. He emitted, as Freya Stark noted, 'a radiance of a just-fallen Lucifer'.

The two young boys in white skull caps and green and white striped robes who had been serving bitter Arabic coffee from long-necked copper pots to the guests were dismissed. Haj Amin then closed the double doors to the room and indicated to the group that they should take their seats at the large table.

The Mufti in his black gold-trimmed robe, wearing a white turban around a scarlet tarbush, took his place at the head of the table on a throne-like chair of the kind peculiar to the Orient — plenty of gold and tinsel, with its back upholstered in a vivid green.

'To bind us to our purpose we must swear our allegiance to our duty on the Koran', said Haj Amin.

Following Haj Amin's lead, Rashid Ali, Naji Shawkat the Minister of Defence, al Sabbagh, Yunis al Sabawi the Minister of Economics, Fahmi Said and Mahmud Salman all swore allegiance The Mufti, to the irritation of Rashid Ali, was chosen as the leader of the group as much for his closeness to the Golden Square as for his link between Rashid Ali and the nationalist politicians.

'My friends,' the Mufti began, 'Britain is finished. She has been defeated at Dunkirk and is now isolated from mainland Europe. A few days ago the Germans began to attack the British in Libya. Britain is already stretched fighting the Italians in East Africa. Malta is under siege. Palestine is an armed camp and the Vichy French are already working with the Italians in Syria. German and Italian radio propaganda is working in our favour. Arabs all over the Middle East now see the British as the vanquished. The British are surrounded by enemies and they are vulnerable. Now is the time for us to move decisively against them.

'We need to take the initiative in defining our own future. If we allow the Germans or the Italians to clear away the British we will be merely substituting one master for another as we have done with the British for the Turk. First we must show the British that we will not tolerate one more concession which undermines our independence. This means that we must refuse all and any attempts to land more British troops in Basra or have any of their troops transit Iraq. We must also continue to refuse to break off diplomatic relations with Italy.'

'We must be careful', interjected Rashid Ali. 'If we stick rigidly to the terms of the Anglo-Iraqi Agreement of 1930 we will give the British no reason to act against us. This will also give us the breathing space to arm ourselves with more modern weapons from the Germans and prepare for German military help.'

'No!' said al Sabbagh, 'The time has come to show our resolve. Arguing the legalities has brought us nothing!'

'It has prevented the British from moving against us until we are ready', Rashid Ali responded angrily.

'Friends, we must speak with one voice', soothed the Mufti. 'We must not fall into the common trap in Iraqi politics of arguing among ourselves. This only destroys our ability to fulfil our destiny.'

'We must also remember that we need to move decisively against pro-British elements in politics, the armed forces and in the administration', pointed out Salman.

'That means that we need a new government,' added Shawkat, 'and we must neutralize the Regent. Why not appoint Sharif Sharaf, who is a distant relative of Abdul Ilah, so that there is a bloodline? He is a bit gaga, but he is someone who will do what he is told. We also have to make our government appear to be a unifying agent for the country, and at the same time have a semblance of legality about it. Sharif Sharaf offers us a way out of a constitutional crisis.'

'Why don't we call it a Government of National Defence? This would imply that our actions are being taken in the public interest', added Said

'But,' said al Sabbagh, 'it must not appear that the Army is controlling the government, so we will need a civilian prime minister to give the government a semblance of legality.'

'Precisely! I nominate Rashid Ali,' Haj Amin said, 'to head our new revolutionary government.'

While Rashid Ali smiled, acknowledging the agreement of the others, he was under no illusion that the Mufti would be the power behind the throne of any new Iraqi government.

'We should establish a date for our assumption of control', suggested Said.

'We need enough time to get our forces, their equipment and supplies into position without arousing the suspicions of the British', rejoined al Sabbagh.

'But above all, we must not lose the initiative, and we need to move soon', added Haj Amin. al Sabawi, who had remained quiet throughout the discussion, said, 'The perfect time would be March 31st, the day of the closing session of parliament. All the politicians will be in Baghdad, enabling us to pick up the pro-British elements and capture the Regent with ease.' He added, 'March 31st will give us enough time to complete our military preparations and for the German and Italian aid to reach us.'

'Good, then it is agreed', said the Mufti. 'Now we need to decide upon our individual responsibilities and set up a timetable for action.'

Throughout March 1941, planning for the coup d'état progressed. However, the plotters faced a challenge. The Regent, together with the British Ambassador, pressured al Hashimi to move members of the Golden Square out of Baghdad to provincial garrisons to reduce their influence. While the Regent did order the transfer of the least influential of the Golden Square, Kamel Shabib, to a remote post, the Colonels managed to get the order reversed. Realizing that they could no longer count on al Hashimi's support, and that the Regent was their enemy, they planned to neutralize both problems.

The British, who knew of al Hashimi's friendship with the pro-British Nuri, invited al Hashimi's Foreign Minister, Tawfik al Suwaidi, to meet Anthony Eden, the British Foreign Minister, in Cairo to discuss Anglo-Iraqi relations.

Cairo, 6 March 1941

Anthony Eden, a handsome, patrician figure, motioned al Suwaidi to sit down at the lunch table set for two on the columned verandah of the large, two-storey, colonial-style villa which housed the British Embassy in Cairo.

The view from the veranda of the magnificent lawns and gardens that spilled down almost to the Nile did what it was supposed to do — impress visitors of Britain's Imperial power.

When the lunch was finished, the coffee served and the small talk ended, Eden rose and asked al Suwaidi to follow him down the steps into the garden so that they could walk down to the low wall which bordered on the corniche and be alone for a private discussion.

'Minister,' Eden began, 'Britain's problem is that we have endured a lack of cooperation with Iraq since the war began which is in conflict with our 1930 Treaty. I realize that your government has inherited this situation, and my reason for inviting you to Cairo is to suggest how we may resolve this together.

I have a number of recommendations which I feel your government would be wise to consider. First you must sever diplomatic relations with Italy. Neither you nor we can tolerate an enemy presence which poisons our relationship. Secondly, British troops must occupy a number of areas in Iraq.'

'But, Sir Anthony, that would cause considerable unrest', interjected al Suwaidi for the first time.

'You need to sell this both as a build-up to liberating your brother Arabs, as we will need to move against the Vichy French in Syria, as well as protect the oil wells and pipelines from sabotage to ensure that Iraq receives an uninterrupted flow of revenue from the sale of its oil.

Thirdly, there is a strong anti-British clique centred on the Army and some leading politicians. It is probably wise that you retire these senior officers and replace the politicians with a pro-British cabinet.'

The Foreign Minister considered Eden's remarks carefully before responding. 'Everything that you have mentioned, Sir Anthony, depends on overcoming the considerable opposition of the Army commanders. This is not something that we can achieve quickly. We need time.'

'Minister,' Eden said as he turned and led al Suwaidi back towards the villa, 'we both know that neither Iraq nor Britain has time. We must do this together, now, before events spiral out of control and we have no way to resolve this problem as friends.'

They mounted the steps to the veranda and strolled in silence through the villa to the lobby, with its antique Chinese chests and chairs.

al Suwaidi collected his Homburg and briefcase from the servant waiting in the lobby, and the two men walked together down the short stairway flanked by two stone lions towards the Rolls Royce waiting in the driveway.

al Suwaidi paused, and Eden stopped and turned. 'Perhaps, Sir Anthony, it would be easier for the Iraqi public to accept these concessions if Britain implements the 1939 White Paper on Palestine and let the Palestinian leaders return.'

'Minister,' responded Eden sharply, 'I cannot implement such sweeping changes in the middle of a war. As we discussed, we need to focus on resolving our mutual problem in Iraq before we even begin to think about problems which do not affect your country.'

Eden quickly changed his tone and smiled at the Iraqi minister, who was now looking glum. They shook hands. al Suwaidi entered the car, and as the door closed Eden lent forward and spoke to him through the open window: 'Minister, I am glad that we had this opportunity to discuss our mutual problem. I know that you will present our recommendations to Prime Minister al Hashimi. I look forward to receiving your agreement to resolve the problem and the steps you will take so that we may put this matter behind us and work together for a better future.

As the car pulled away from the villa, al Suwaidi sat back and reflected that Eden had given al Hashimi little more than an ultimatum. Either you fix the problem in Iraq or we shall do it for you. He knew that whatever al Hashimi felt, implementing these recommendations would be virtually impossible, given the certain opposition of the Golden Square and the Mufti.

Cairo in early 1941 was a nest of spies. Within twenty-four hours Eden's 'recommendations' were in front of the Mufti and the Colonels in Baghdad, and on the desks of Joachim von Ribbentrop at the Auswartiges Amt on Wilhelmstrasse, in Berlin, Count Ciano the Italian Foreign Minister at the Palazzo Chigi in Rome and Cordell Hull the Secretary of State at the State Department in Washington.

In Baghdad the conspirators realized that if al Hashimi capitulated to the British they would be sidelined and would lose a golden opportunity to rid themselves of the British. If anything, Eden's 'recommendations' spurred them past the point of no return.

Baghdad, 1 April 1941

On the night of 1 April 1941 the plotters seized power. Truck-loads of troops were ferried into Baghdad to secure the radio station, the telegraph office, the three main railway stations, the bridges across the Tigris, the airport, the palace and the main roads into the city.

The doctor who had signed, under duress, a certificate of the Regent's death from coronary thrombosis, managed to smuggle a copy to the Regent through the palace cook.

The Regent spirited himself away to the house of an aunt, Princess Salha, who lived in an old building on the east bank of the river. They, together with the Queen Mother and Princess Badiya, asked Dr Harry 'Sinbad' Sinderson, the palace physician and royal confidant, to come to the Princess's house to discuss what they should do. Sinderson, after a roundabout journey to avoid the growing military presence on the streets, managed to persuade the Regent that he should dress as a woman and make his way by horse cab to the American Legation rather than to the British Embassy, which was on the other side of the Tigris and bound to be guarded by the plotters.

Dressed in a woman's abba, veil and shoes, the Regent arrived at the American Legation in the early hours of the next morning. As an unknown 'woman' he had difficulty in gaining admittance to see the Minister, Paul Knabenshue. Eventually he managed to see the Minister's wife, Olive, who, realizing it was the Regent, quickly admitted him Transferring the Regent safely to the protection of the British Embassy across the river would be impossible, and it was decided that he would leave Baghdad with the Knabenshues. They were due to welcome the new British Ambassador, Sir Kinahan Cornwallis, who was flying into RAF Habbaniya, some fifty-five miles due west of the city, later in the day. If they could get the Regent to Habbaniya he could be flown to safety.

Concealed in the Ambassador's white Buick under a rug which covered the legs of the Minister and his wife, the Regent left the American Legation on his way to Habbaniya.

As the car approached the King Feisal bridge across the Tigris, it was flagged down at an Iraqi Army roadblock.

The soldiers raised their rifles, pointing them at the car, and a captain from the 3rd Division strode forward and peered into the vehicle. Knabenshue rolled down the window. 'This is an official car from the American Legation and I am the accredited Minister. Please let this car pass', he said authoritatively.

He rolled up the window quickly and sat back as if to signify that this was all he needed to say to be allowed through the roadblock.

The captain stood back, clearly puzzled, as he had been ordered to detain all Europeans.

Olive Knabenshue looked on in alarm as the Minister, out of sight underneath the window, drew back the slide cocking his Colt 45 automatic, and she saw the end of the Regent's pistol sticking out from under the rug.

The captain conferred with another officer and returned to the car. The flag of the United States on the bonnet of the car seemed to have done the trick, and the captain stood back, smiled, gestured for his troops to raise the barrier and waved the Buick through the roadblock.

Just over an hour and forty minutes later the Buick entered the gates of RAF Habbaniya.

Across Baghdad the hunt was under way by the conspirators for the Regent, Nuri Pasha and other pro-British politicians.

Also forewarned, Nuri Pasha had called Sqn Ldr Patrick Domvile, the British Air Liaison Officer with the Iraqi Air Force. Domvile met Nuri at a mutual friend's house and had him dress in one of his spare RAF uniforms before driving out to Habbaniya. They had a close call at the Falluja bridge, fifteen miles from Habbaniya, when they were stopped by an Iraqi Army roadblock.