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Once Upon a Country: A Palestinian Life Kindle Edition
A Palestinian intellectual, politician, and peace activist documents his displaced life in the region in this “captivating” memoir (The Washington Post).
A New York Times Book Review Editors’ Choice
“One of the best personal accounts of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict ever written. . . . A fascinating and deeply intelligent memoir.” —Ethan Booker, The New York Times
A teacher, a scholar, a philosopher, and an eyewitness to history, Sari Nusseibeh is one of our most urgent and articulate authorities on the conflict in the Middle East. From his time teaching side by side with Israelis at the Hebrew University through his appointment by Yasir Arafat to administer the Arab Jerusalem, he has held fast to the principles of freedom and equality for all, and his story dramatizes the consequences of war, partition, and terrorism as few other books have done. This autobiography brings rare depth and compassion to the story of his country.
“Terrific . . . highly recommended for those who want to appreciate the dilemma of the Palestinian democrat.” —Christopher Hitchens, Slate
“Once Upon a Country is a subtle, sad, and humorous memoir that casts a fresh light on the Israeli-Palestinian tragedy and a vivid picture of Palestinian society as well.” —Amos Oz, author of A Tale of Love and Darkness
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Review
"One of the best personal accounts of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict ever written . . . A fascinating and deeply intelligent memoir."--Ethan Bronner, The New York Times
"There are villains and victims, patriots and fools, war and peace, betrayal and corruption, and an inevitable romance. . . . The book dramatizes recent history in Palestine as few others have done."--Amos Elon, The New York Review of Books
"Terrific . . . highly recommended for those who want to appreciate the dilemma of the Palestinian democrat."--Christopher Hitchens, Slate
"A deeply admirable book by a deeply admirable man."--Leon Wieseltier, The New York Times Book Review
"Once Upon a Country is an often enthralling book, with a lucid unfolding of the issues and subtle analysis of the games played by both sides. . . . This complicated man--shrewd, idealist, pragmatic, dreamer, peaceful warrior---is very much worth knowing."--Charles Matthews, San Francisco Chronicle
"Captivating . . . Once Upon a Country is a magnificent study of hope under siege."--Robert Malley, The Washington Post
"A bighearted, admirable, and exceptionally interesting account of Nusseibeh's struggle for an equitable peace in a conflict in which compromise is often interpreted as treason. This is a rare book."--Jeffrey Goldberg, Los Angeles Times
"Once Upon a Country is a subtle, sad, and humorous memoir that casts a fresh light on the Israeli-Palestinian tragedy and a vivid picture of Palestinian society as well."--Amos Oz, author of A Tale of Love and Darkness
About the Author
From The Washington Post
In 2002, at the height of the second Palestinian uprising and amid harsh Israeli military offensives, two prominent individuals unveiled a courageous peace plan. The Israeli author was Ami Ayalon, the former head of Shin Bet, his country's internal security agency. Plunging headfirst into the public debate was, for him, a relatively novel exercise.
Not so for his Palestinian partner. Sari Nusseibeh, the author of the captivating Once Upon a Country, is a repeat offender. This Oxford-trained philosopher was an unlikely recruit to politics, which probably explains why he practices such an unlikely brand of it. Born into an illustrious Palestinian family, he sought early on to escape the life of influence and authority for which he appeared to be destined. He ended up deeply involved in aspects of Israeli-Palestinian relations and dealt with virtually every major Palestinian leader. But philosophy was his true calling, and, even as the draw of politics ultimately proved too hard to resist, he always had intellectual pursuits on which to fall back. And so he maintained a distant, insouciant relationship to the perks and privileges of power as well as an affectionate, abiding one to controversy. It shows.
Nusseibeh, now the president of al-Quds University in Jerusalem, was a believer in Israeli-Palestinian dialogue long before it was in favor, an advocate of nonviolence when other Palestinians were glorifying suicide bombers, an embodiment of secularism as the Islamist Hamas movement was conquering new ground in Palestinian politics. In the late 1960s, when so many of his compatriots still dreamed of ridding the land of those it considered intruders, he argued for coexistence among Arabs and Jews in a secular, binational state. When he later came around to the idea of a two-state solution, with Israel living in peace alongside Palestine, many Palestinians were clamoring for a single state. Even now, one senses that his commitment to splitting the land between the Jordan and the Mediterranean may not be everlasting. If a two-state solution is not reached soon, he writes, Palestinians will fight for "one man, one vote" in a unified Arab-Israeli state -- a comment one can take as warning or wish. Not a few Palestinians consider his moderation traitorous; a respectable number of Israelis consider it their most potent threat.
Nusseibeh's new memoir, Once Upon a Country, is a remarkable chronicle of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, seen through this improbable pair of eyes. His Palestinian colleagues come in for abundant criticism -- for negotiating without a clear vision or sufficient expert knowledge and, above all, for becoming intoxicated with their own deadly delusions about violence. Nusseibeh's message is clear: that the two sides are divided by ignorance, not malice; that the burden is on the Palestinians to win over their Israeli counterparts; that this can be done only through dialogue and nonviolent resistance; that Palestinians should not insist on the right of their refugees to return to what is now Israel proper; that Palestinian negotiators need not be intransigent to be tough and need not surrender their principles to reach a deal with Israel.
Nusseibeh's eloquent and compassionate book no doubt will stir yet another round of polemics; his actions usually do. Like Nusseibeh, most Palestinians have concluded that the ways of the past need rethinking. A decade of peace-processing, they feel, has led to more misery and less security without getting them any closer to their goals of sovereignty and independence. Unlike Nusseibeh, however, many Palestinians are not at all convinced that the answer is more dialogue and less violence, let alone conceding up front on the refugees' right of return. These are familiar Palestinian dilemmas: If you regularize discussions with Israelis, do you render routine the occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip? If you abandon armed struggle, do you retain leverage over a militarily superior opponent? If you compromise in advance, do you weaken your hand?
The humane worldview of Once Upon a Country is one answer to this Palestinian conundrum. Hamas is another, and Nusseibeh -- who quickly dismisses the radical Islamists as sloganeering, inauthentic fanatics -- does not quite do it justice. To be sure, as he writes, Israel's unilateral withdrawal from Gaza in 2005 discredited the concept of land-for-peace negotiations and so gave a boost to the Islamists, who crowed that their bombs and rockets had driven Israel out. But the roots of their January 2006 election victory run far deeper. Hamas is a response to the Palestinians' material and psychological condition, a reaction to years of lost dignity, an affirmation (however troubling) of a yearning for self-respect.
A Hamas leader recently explained to me that dealing with Israel required retaining Palestinian leverage and displaying patience. Palestinians who had opted for the route of compromise "cannot prevail, because they have defeat in their hearts." He was not referring to Nusseibeh specifically, but one gets the point. Once Upon a Country is a magnificent study of hope under siege. Nusseibeh offers a possible means of escape. Far more will be needed to convince his fellow Palestinians it is the best one.
Copyright 2007, The Washington Post. All Rights Reserved.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Chapter One
The Key
WHEN I WAS A CHILD it seemed that everywhere I went I came across traces of my family’s history in Jerusalem. My father once told me that we Nusseibehs came from a long line of thieves. All family dynasties, he explained with an expression between earnestness and jest, can trace their histories back to some act of brigandage. I think he said this because of the pride Arabs often take in their ancient roots. You have to live in the present, Father lectured to me over and over when I was a child. Whereas I never pinned down precisely who the thieves were, I had no trouble finding old gravestones with names chiseled into the eroded limestone that in my imagination magically connected me up with 1,300 years of forbears, all the way back to the hot sands of Arabia.
My family’s story in Jerusalem begins with Mohammed’s Night Journey. By the time the Prophet took his legendary pilgrimage to Jerusalem, he and his few companions had already been forced out of Mecca to Medina. It was on the outskirts of this desert town that he was met by his first followers: fourteen tribal leaders who pledged their allegiance to him and to Islam.
Surprisingly, given the way the contemporary world views the role of women in Islam, four of the fourteen tribal leaders were women, and one of these was Nusaybah, from the warrior tribe of Khazraj. (She was also called Umm Umarah al-Maziniyyah, which is short for Umm-Omara alc Maazinia al-Khazrajiyyah min Bani-Amir alc Ansaria.) After the Prophet returned from his Night Journey, he and his followers, including Nusaybah and her clan, directed their prayers toward Jerusalem.
Nusaybah, the progenitor of my family, was a fierce fighter who, on horseback, skillfully defended the Prophet with life and limb. In one battle she lost two sons and a leg, yet continued fighting. Islamic chronicles tell us that Mohammed was so taken by her bravery that he promised that she and all her offspring would always have a place in heaven.
When dealing with more than 1,300 years of family history, there are bound to be some fuzzy points. Much of what I breathed in as a child as irrefutably true is no doubt an innocent mixture of fact and fiction. But in Jerusalem, the source of the magical relation between man and city is precisely the beautiful mosaic of tales rooted in events both real and imagined.
One of my favorite childhood yarns is the story of the caliph Omar’s entry into Jerusalem in A.D. 638. By then Mohammed had already died, as had his first successor and hence first caliph (caliph meaning "successor to the Prophet"), Abu Bakr. Omar the Just was the second caliph. Humble, pious, and ascetic in his living and his style of dress, he was also a general on par with Alexander and Napoleon, and led armies to one conquest after the next. Following his lead and the banner of Islam, the hitherto chaotic bands of Arabian raiders and camel herders swept across the lands of Persia, Egypt, and Byzantium; with a mixture of bravery, strategy, and brutality, they brought old civilizations under the control of Islamic armies. Peoples and religions were coming to terms with this dynamic force shaking up the ancient world.
Eventually Omar’s army reached the walls of Jerusalem. Panic broke out inside the city. Less than a century earlier, Persian hordes had sacked Jerusalem, burning most of its churches and monasteries and slaughtering thousands. Invoking similar atrocities in their imaginations, people feared the worst.
For me, the most intriguing part of the story when I was a child was how Omar took the city. Like every boy, I liked tales of noble riders bearing arms cutting and slashing their way through hapless foes. But Omar’s conquest of Jerusalem was different.
Omar’s Muslim faith led him to consider Jerusalem unlike any other place. It was there where his teacher, the Prophet, was miraculously transported on the Night Journey, and he had prayed with Abraham, Moses, and Jesus next to the Rock of Ascension. This was no city conquerable by man’s sword. Violence and bloodshed, which had worked wonders elsewhere, were not to defile Jerusalem.
Thinking that their lives were at stake, the people of Jerusalem endured a long siege. But after two years, with their supplies running out, and faced with the specter of starvation, they asked for the terms of surrender. Omar, fighting skirmishes in the north at the time, sent back his reply. He requested that Sephronius, the Byzantine bishop of Jerusalem, meet him outside the gates. Meanwhile, at Omar’s instruction, the armies ringing the city walls refrained from all attacks.
At the determined time, Sephronius, dressed in the gilded raiment of his office, came out to meet Omar, expecting to find a royally armored conqueror. He was surprised to meet a simply dressed man leading a camel mounted by Omar’s manservant. The two had traveled together from the north, taking turns riding the camel. The humbly attired commander of the Muslim army promised Sephronius that the people, property, and holy sites of the city of Jerusalem would be spared. Moved by his pledge, the bishop handed Omar the keys to the city gates, and to the Holy Sepulcher.
Sephronius ushered Omar to the Holy Sepulcher, the holiest church in Christendom and a repository of divine history. Adam, the first man, was buried there. This was the place of Christ’s empty tomb, and it was there that Helena, the mother of Constantine the Great, had discovered the true cross and the crown of thorns. For centuries, legends of the salutary effects of a visit to such sites—just a touch of the sacred stone of the tomb was said to cure deadly diseases—had been luring pilgrims throughout the world.
As the story goes, when the time came for the Muslim prayer, Omar refused to pray in the church, for fear of setting a precedent. If he prayed there, he feared later Muslim leaders might be tempted to turn the glorious church into a mosque. Instead, the caliph chose a spot outside the church to perform his ritual.
Omar then asked the bishop about the site of the Holy Rock and of Solomon’s Temple. The bishop didn’t know exactly where the temple was, as the plateau where it had once stood was now a vast garbage heap. There were piles of bones and human dung, animal skins, and— most shocking of all for Muslims and Jews—pig carcasses.
Out from the nearby crowds, says Muslim legend, a Jew stepped forward. It was he who now offered to help Omar locate the site of the temple and the rock. And so the two burrowed their way through the rubbish until they came to the spot. "It is here," the Jew said to Omar. "This is the place you seek."
Omar began digging with his own hands. Once he had cleaned away the debris and wiped the Holy Rock clean with his robe, he performed a prayer.
One of Omar’s companions to Jerusalem was Nusaybah’s brother, Ubadah ibn al-Samit. Before leaving the city, Omar installed him as the first Muslim high judge of Jerusalem, and handed him the key to the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. He then charged Ubadah, along with five other heads of families, with keeping the Holy Rock clean. (As a child, I liked visiting Ubadah’s tomb, in the southern corner of the wall enclosing the Holy Sanctuary.)
Ubadah’s sons were the first Nusaybahs (now spelled Nusseibeh) born in Jerusalem. Over time, the family became wealthy, with vast landholdings. Centuries run into one another here: for long stretches, our family is not much more than a list of names and titles neatly divided into judges, Koranic scholars, Sufi sages, and landowners.
The family’s political fortunes have always depended on the particular empire that controlled Jerusalem. Whether in favor or not, though, the family has fastidiously performed its duties of dusting off the Holy Rock and safeguarding the key.
Keeping the rock clean soon got easier. Within a few decades of the Muslim conquest, the construction of the Dome of the Rock began. The Islamic caliphate had moved to Damascus in A.D. 661, setting off an architectural revolution. The Umayyad caliph, Abd al-Malik, wanted to construct a magnificent mosque on the site of the Holy Rock. But unlike other mosques, it was not to be designed to face Mecca. As the place of the ancient Temple of Solomon and of Mohammed’s Night Journey, it didn’t need to point anywhere. Some storytellers say that the son of the Jew who pointed out the Holy Rock to Omar was the architect charged with the mosque’s design. As a Jew, the storytellers say, he constructed the new house of God, the Noble Sanctuary, or Al-Aqsa, with the original temple in mind. The Dome of the Rock was completed in A.D. 691.
As control of the church of the Holy Sepulcher was the main bone of contention between Latin Christians and Muslims, possession of the key was a matter of supreme diplomatic importance. And so, over the centuries, my family performed its duties: an ancestor opened up the door, the Christians filed in, at night they left again, and the door was locked until the next morning.
During the Crusades, with the Franks in control of the city, the Nusseibehs yielded up the key. The clan’s only survivor from the Crusaders’ conquest of Jerusalem was thankfully pregnant, and she fled to the north of the country. A century later, in 1187, after the Kurdish warrior Saladin drove the Crusaders out of the city, her offspring returned to Jerusalem.
Back in Jerusalem, the leader of my family clan, Sheikh Ghanim ben Ali ben Hussein al-Ansari al-Khazrajy, took up a leading post in government. For the first few years after the defeat of the Crusaders, there was no need to unlock the door to the Holy Sepulcher, because Christians weren’t allowed back in Jerusalem. In 1192, the Muslim governor of the city returned the key to the Nusseibeh line after Sultan Saladin and King Richard the Lionheart concluded an agreement to allow Christian pilgrims to visit the city.
These wer...
Product details
- ASIN : B013P2QWEW
- Publisher : Farrar, Straus and Giroux; First edition (September 22, 2015)
- Publication date : September 22, 2015
- Language : English
- File size : 4.4 MB
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Screen Reader : Supported
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Not Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Print length : 685 pages
- Best Sellers Rank: #524,168 in Kindle Store (See Top 100 in Kindle Store)
- #299 in History of Israel & Palestine
- #381 in Historical Middle East Biographies
- #779 in Biographies of Political Leaders
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Customers find the book excellently written with fantastic prose. They appreciate its perspective, with one customer noting it provides a beautiful journey through a culture full of tradition, while another mentions it offers a wider view of Palestine and Israeli life. Customers find the book enlightening, with one noting it awakens curiosity to know more.
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Customers find the book readable and important to read.
"This is a truly important book for anyone wishing to understand fully the Arab / Palestinian - Israeli conflict...." Read more
"...It is very well written and was well worth reading...." Read more
"It is good to read to understand the "spirit" of the conflict. But keeping in mind that it provides the truth only from one side only." Read more
"This book was masterful at walking through the challenges to bring about a peaceful solution for the Palestinians people...." Read more
Customers appreciate the book's perspective, with one review highlighting its beautiful journey through a culture full of tradition, while another notes how it provides a wider view of Palestine and Israeli life.
"...It sheds tremendous light on very important events, thus far not fully presented from the Palestinian side, especially that of the non rejectionist..." Read more
"Memoir intertwined with the history of the Palestinian conflict. Excellently written and very insightful" Read more
"This is a memoir written by a professor of philosophy who is also the current president of Al Quds university in East Jerusalem...." Read more
"...Once upon a country... is a very personal narrative of one Palestinian's direct experience of the past fifty years or so, as well as a recounting of..." Read more
Customers praise the writing quality of the book, describing it as excellently and fantastically written with wonderful prose, and one customer notes it's an easy read for such a hard topic.
"Memoir intertwined with the history of the Palestinian conflict. Excellently written and very insightful" Read more
"...The author is not hopeless...." Read more
"...It is very well written and was well worth reading...." Read more
"This is a fantastic book detailing in wonderful prose the plight of the Palestinian people...." Read more
Customers find the book enlightening, with one mentioning it awakens curiosity to know more.
"...This little book allows for unusual insights and awakens curiosity to know more! Once upon a time ... and that time is past...." Read more
"A fascinating and informative look at the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from a seemingly objective Palestinian viewpoint...." Read more
"...Beautiful journey through a culture full of tradition, believes and knowledge." Read more
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Top reviews from the United States
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- Reviewed in the United States on August 8, 2007This is a truly important book for anyone wishing to understand fully the Arab / Palestinian - Israeli conflict. It sheds tremendous light on very important events, thus far not fully presented from the Palestinian side, especially that of the non rejectionist Palestinian camp. Sari Nusseibeh is a truly visionary man with tremendous courage and is a highly gifted activist and indeed very clever politician despite his own denials.
I have thoroughly enjoyed, and was often moved by, the first half of the book which dealt with the history of Nusseibeh's family and contained his even handed description of the events leading to 1948 and all the way through the 1967 war and his subsequent return to live in Palestine with his British wife. Nusseibeh's portrayal of the lives of the Palestinians between the wars of 1948 and 1967 was very helpful.
In the second half of the book Nusseibeh hammers in, over and over again, on the tacit unspoken alliance of the extremists on both sides and shows how Israel supported the creation of Hamas as a counter weight to the Fateh and PLO. He coherently and very persuasively presents the thought process that he went through to move from the one state solution to the two state solution and demonstrates very effectively the threats that prolonging the conflict would cause to it.
Nusseibeh was often right at the center of things or at least presents himself as such; we see him as a leading figure in standing up to the Israelis and to the Islamists, we see him as the key engine behind the first intefada, or uprising, and we see him winning the respect and approval of Yasir Arafat. In this, second, half, this book moves from being a truly exceptional account of the personal and family history more into an aggrandizing politician's memoir. This should not reduce nor detract from the tremendous personal sacrifice and commitment Nusseibeh made to his cause.
I have heard of the peace work of Dr. Nusseibeh and read some of his articles and interview for some years and while I admire him more than any other Palestinian public figure, this book troubled me in a number of ways. Unlike the other three Palestinian memoirs, originally written in English, that I have read (Gada Karami, Fay Kenfani & Edward Said) Nusseibeh sought to justify every action he has ever taken, to defend his various historic positions and to settle the scores with those of differing views. Most unlike the other three biographies, the book contained virtually no retrospective sole searching whatsoever and important topics such as his obvious passion and skill for politics vs. his academic eccentric persona were packaged for the purpose rather than thought through. Nusseibeh repeatedly simply presented himself as the reluctant professor, yet left us wondering about his very savvy organizational, political and survival skills. He seemed to know exactly how to deal with wily old Arafat, Hamas, the Israeli intelligence and the various factions of the PLO yet retain the freedom to advance his own agenda as well as build important relationships with Israelis.
The tremendous heights, in which, Nusseibeh holds his father, a former Governor of Jerusalem, ambassador and member of cabinet gives the feeling of an immature biography lacking in the distance to be objective. Indeed the first half of the book contains rework of the some of the father's own unpublished memoirs. Obvious points such as the father's commitment to an idealistic form of pan Arabism, albeit non Bathist and non Nasserist, and Nusseibeh own movement into being Palestinian nationalist, seeing Palestine being in natural alliance with Israel did not cause him to reflect further on the role and thinking of his father. A respectful critique and contrast of the views would have enhanced and not hindered the understanding of his father and need not be disloyal to his memory.
Most grating perhaps is the competitiveness displayed with other Palestinian peace advocates and the various attempts at discrediting them. This was particularly evident in describing the efforts that led to the Geneva Accord, which Nusseibeh referred as the plan by the name of the Israeli negotiator, thus marginalizing the Palestinian partner. At some point Nusseibeh clearly fell out with Hanan Ashrawi and Dr. Barghouti, both articulate advocates of the Palestinian cause and for peace and coexistence with Israel, he made his disdain of them very obvious and has not troubled himself to analyze their positions even in retrospect.
- Reviewed in the United States on November 23, 2024Memoir intertwined with the history of the Palestinian conflict. Excellently written and very insightful
- Reviewed in the United States on August 1, 2008This is a memoir written by a professor of philosophy who is also the current president of Al Quds university in East Jerusalem.
After getting through his father's history in the early chapters, University professor Sari Nusseibeh realizes the central problem between the Israeli and Palestinian coexistence: neither sides understanding of the other side. It takes him meeting Israeli students at college, and flying on an Israeli ariline, and teaching at Hebrew University before he begins to see the similarities between the two. And thats where he evolves his ideas about peace.
A central concept of his is that both sides are allies, NOT enemies. He even goes as far to say that the two are more like allies than the united states/israel and palestinians/arab states are allies.
Unfortunately as the occupation of the west bank and gaza continues throughout the 60s, 70s, and 80s, he sees a different kind of arab majority emerging from the areas, that is bent on the concept of eradicating the Jew, instead of working with. As his story progresses we see how the author gets involved in politics and attempts to keep the two state solution as a viable option, while trying to maintain his own logical understanding of what was transpiring.
But as we come to the 2000s, Hamas gains most of the support of the palestinians, wins elections and violence ensues.
The author is not hopeless. He does speak of trying to advocate a peaceful two-state solution by teaming up with Israelis in the Peace Now movement and in the government, to get the peace that both sides seek. He writes up a two state solution, that would allow Palestinians to have the borders from pre-1967, and allows palestinian refugees to return to palestinian areas, and Jews to jewish areas.
Only concerns i have with his memoir book are of misrepresentations of Israeli actions. He states that the Israelis invaded Lebanon in 82 without "any bullets being shot from lebanon." That's misleading. The PLO were launching rockets into kiryat shemonah and nearby cities which was provoking the Israelis during this turbulent time for the lebanese people, to maintain peace in southern lebanon.
Ina few other places he tries to place more blame on Israel rather than sharing it with the palestinian people, a product of his upbringing more than malicious intent.
However Sari Nusseibeh is not Hamas and not an islamic fundamentalist. He isa two-state solution advocate who writes mostly about using non-violent disobedience. As the reader I wondered, if more palestinians were like Nusseibeh perhaps the world opinion would change towards them? But Nusseibeh DIDNT grow up in a refugee camp, was educated at Oxford and Harvard, and lived a different life than the majority of palestinians.
So perhaps palestinians as a whole dont see life as he does? And maybe this book is as much a minority views as that of the suicide bombers?
Hopefully not, because Nusseibeh portrays himself as a peace seeker. and thats what is needed in Israel and Palestine.
Top reviews from other countries
- M PAULA MARTINS PEREIRAReviewed in the United Kingdom on June 16, 2014
5.0 out of 5 stars Very interesting
I am still reading this book; I'm nearly finished. It is an amazing book, because you find yourself learning a great deal about the palestinian problem and why peace is so difficult in Israel. The author writes with clarity and truth about his life in Jerusalém and the efforts he has been making to bring peace between the two peoples, which he considers are probably "allies".
- Amazon CustomerReviewed in Germany on September 7, 2013
5.0 out of 5 stars Interesting and informative
Nusseibeh, the main author, is a professor of phylosophy and, as his father, was very much involved into the palestinian politics during the recent decades. He is a palestinean trained in Oxford/UK and worked also as an accademic in Massachusetts. The book is more or less an eyewitness report embeded in a historic development, in this case in the middle east. It starts during world war II and ends at the beginning of this century. Although quite critical, Nusseibeh describes the palestinian position of the constant palestinian-jewish conflict in the middle east. The english language stil is quite formidable but good readable even for me as a non-native English speaker. I liked this book because it describes the political and social developement of the recent decades in the middle east, which I only knew from the histroy books or reports from the media. It opened my eyes how complicated life in Israel for Palestinians, as well as in general the arabic-jewish conflic is, and how difficult living conditions of the ordinary arabic people in this region are.
- Jeanne S.Reviewed in India on March 1, 2019
5.0 out of 5 stars Thorough and touching exposition of the Palestinian struggle
A comprehensive history of the Palestinian struggle for statehood, starting from the very beginning. Hugely informative and empathetic.
- Charles FreemanReviewed in the United Kingdom on October 20, 2007
5.0 out of 5 stars An essential book.
I used to teach a course on the politics of the Middle East. If I was doing so again I would make two books compulsory reading, Amos Oz's A Tale of Love and Darkness and Sari Nusseibeh's Once Upon a Country. Both show individuals who are deeply rooted in their respective cultures caught up in the maelstrom which saw the birth of modern Israel. Nusseibeh's family have been connected to Jerusalem for some 1,300 years and much of this memoir is an account of how his heritage has been fragmented by Israeli occupation of East Jerusalem. Yet whatever the pressures on him from Israelis and radical Palestinians he has tried to keep a dialogue open centred not just on his own humanity but on the assumption that both sides stand to benefit from a fair peace. Philosophical (in both the academic and emotional sense), quirky at times, a real one-off he shows how it was and is possible to survive with ideals intact, despite everything that the croneyism of Arafat and the aggressive settlement policy of Sharon did to undermine them.
Both Judaism and Islam have made immense contributions to cultural and intellectual life over the centuries and perhaps the low point of the book comes with Sharon's attempt to drive his notorious concrete wall through the middle of the Palestinian university of which Nusseibeh was President. To her credit Condoleezza Rice finally put pressure on her Israeli allies to build the wall elsewhere (it was a pity she did not go further and stop it altogether). I hope she and the fellow members of her government have time to read this book, not only to understand how an ancient culture has been crushed but to absorb its central message that both sides will gain from a fair peace. It needs the courage of a Nusseibeh to keep the flame alive.
Anyone reading this book will want to pay tribute to Nusseibeh's English-born wife Lucy who kept the family together at times of tension and danger and who has made her own contributions to the search for non-violent solutions of the conflict.
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Doris. F.Reviewed in Germany on June 5, 2013
5.0 out of 5 stars Eindrucksvolle Autobiographie aus einem politischen Pulverfass.
Das Buch von Sari Nusseibeh ist aus verschiedenen Gründen sehr empfehlenswert: Die L eserin/der Leser begleitet Sari Nusseibeh nicht nur durch sein Leben und seine intellektuelle Entwicklung, sondern bekommt sehr intensive Einblicke in den Nahost-Konflikt, insbesondere in die Entwicklung der letzten 40 Jahre. Tief beeindruckend ist Nusseibehs grundsätzlich gewaltfreie Einstellung und seine ständige Bereitschaft, zu verhandeln, miteinander zu reden, friedlich und normal-menschlich miteinander umzugehen. Er hat diese Einstellung, obwohl er, mit kurzen Unterbrechungen, seit mehr als 40 Jahren den Schikanen und Menschenrechtsverletzungen seitens der israelischen Regierung und ihrer Armee gegenüber den Palästinensern in der West Bank und Ost-Jerusalem ausgesetzt ist. Besonders interessant sind auch die Vorgänge um die, zunächst ja noch im Exil lebende, PLO-Führung, die Einblicke in die erste und die zweite Intifada, sowie die nunmehr wohl als gescheitert zu betrachtenden Osloer Friedensverhandlungen, in deren Folge die von einem zukünftigen palästinensischen Staat nichts weiter als isolierte Inselchen in der West Bank übrig geblieben sind. Für den an Palästina Interessierten ist das Buch ein wesentlicher Baustein. Leider ist es auf Deutsch kaum, bzw. nur zu horrenden Preisen erhältlich.