Digital List Price: | $29.99 |
Kindle Price: | $19.99 Save $10.00 (33%) |
Sold by: | Amazon.com Services LLC |
Your Memberships & Subscriptions
Download the free Kindle app and start reading Kindle books instantly on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required.
Read instantly on your browser with Kindle for Web.
Using your mobile phone camera - scan the code below and download the Kindle app.
Guerrilla Marketing: Counterinsurgency and Capitalism in Colombia (Chicago Studies in Practices of Meaning) First Edition, Kindle Edition
Full of rich, unforgettable ethnographic stories, Guerrilla Marketing is a stunning and troubling analysis of the mediation of global conflict.
- ISBN-13978-0226590509
- EditionFirst
- PublisherThe University of Chicago Press
- Publication dateDecember 10, 2018
- LanguageEnglish
- File size3371 KB
-
Next 3 for you in this series
$38.73 -
Next 5 for you in this series
$88.84 -
All 27 for you in this series
$780.31
Customers who bought this item also bought
Editorial Reviews
Review
"Colombia’s more than half a century of war has produced no shortage of accounts and analysis, yet Alexander L. Fattal’s Guerrilla Marketing accomplishes the increasingly rare feat of opening a new and productive conversation about the conflict." ― Sebastián Ramírez-Hernández
"A momentous and novel contribution to the study of the Colombian armed conflict." ― Visual Anthropology Review, Alejandro Jaramillo
“Guerrilla Marketing is a fascinating examination of how commercial-style branding has been deployed by both rebels and the state in Colombia's civil war. Fattal deserves high praise for his extraordinary research, carried out over many years in the edgy and borderless terrain of the war's periphery. His insights are lucid and the stories he tells are haunting. This book is a must-read for scholars of modern conflict, journalists, and diplomats.” ― Jon Lee Anderson, author of Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life
"Fattal’s [book] is definitely an important contribution to debates around new wars and the new counterinsurgency." ― Camilo Serrano Corredor, Revista de Estudios Colombianos
“A superbly-written and utterly brilliant monograph.” ― Nayanika Mathur, author of Paper Tiger: Law, Bureaucracy, and the Developmental State in India
"This is a must-read for scholars and nonscholars alike who want to understand why Colombia’s civil conflict entered a new phase as a result of the peace negotiations of 2012–2016 and the peace treaty of 2016." ― Journal of Anthropological Research, Les W. Field
"Fattal is a gifted cultural critic. He has a knack for deconstructing media and marketing with cutting analysis without it ever seeming too rebuscado (overwrought). Thanks to his prowess on the page and in the field, Guerrilla Marketing is a fascinating deep dive into the Colombian conflict’s image-world." ― Journal of Latin American Studies, Teo Ballvé
"A remarkable ethnography." ― Philippe Bourgois, author of In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio
“The brilliance of Guerrilla Marketing lies in the way it reads the intertwining of war and the strategies of contemporary capital.” ― Daniel Hoffman, author of The War Machines: Young Men and Violence in Sierra Leone and Liberia
"Guerrilla Marketing is a fascinating book that illustrates how the government’s turn to marketing blurred the boundaries between war and peace by penetrating deep into the emotional space of insurgents and their families. It is a well-written account that intersperses analytic chapters with the author’s riveting interviews with FARC insurgents, which offer a view into how the rebels understand what has happened to themand sidesteps PAHD propaganda. The book should be read by anyone trying to understand contemporary Colombian society." ― ReVista: Harvard Review of Latin America, Lesley Gill
"A sobering book on how armies burnish their brands. . . a detailed, eye-opening investigation." ― New Yorker, Camila Osorio
“Guerrilla Marketing as an ethnographic study is not simply one of the unimagined vertical leaps into the worlds of the highly professional, but instead it is a work compiled by rhizomatic maneuvers in disparate, multi-dimensional folds, illustrating not just access to multiple kinds of actors in Colombia's armed conflict from various scales—but the slow weaving of depth and breadth, the rapport and intimacy that could only be built out of the work of time.” ― Andrés Romero, co-editor of the Cultural Anthropology’s Visual and New Media Review
"This ethnography is an impressive contribution to the anthropology of capitalism, warfare, and Latin American politics." ― American Ethnologist, Marcos Mendoza
“Fattal’s richly detailed ethnography—dizzyingly so, at times—foregrounds the question of how statecraft is transformed through the neoliberal injunction to “brand yourself.” … His work brings us to the site of these spectacles—amazing the reader, over and over again, of how this then–Harvard Ph.D. student had this kind of access, behind the scenes, to the theater of statecraft. But Guerrilla Marketing is perhaps most powerful offstage, in the corporate boardrooms and over brunch where … the script for Colombia’s heavily mediatized and consumer-oriented counterinsurgency was being drafted by ad executives, in collaboration with the state.” ― Rebecca Stein, author of Digital Militarism: Israel’s Occupation in the Social Media Age
“This is a scintillating study: a surprising story of how Colombia deployed the power of advertising to counter armed conflict, and turned to the magic of branding to make counterinsurgency seem like a humanitarian enterprise. Not only does Fattal give a riveting account of how the Colombian state became an unlikely pacesetter in the business of peacemaking; he illuminates the growing salience of consumer marketing to statecraft everywhere in the twenty–first century world.” ― Jean Comaroff, coeditor of The Politics of Custom
“Guerrilla Marketing is a poignant and theoretically innovative ethnography imbued with Fattal’s dynamic, compelling voice. This book is a significant contribution to studies of Colombia and the complexities of the human experiences of conflict, insurgency, and demobilization.” ― Winifred L. Tate, author of Drugs, Thugs, and Diplomats
"Fattal’s book is not only important for those who study Colombia and Latin America, nor just for those who are anthropologists of media, but also for those who work on questions of the state, militaries, the 'war on terror,' and the Middle East more broadly." ― Narges Bajoghli, author of Iran Reframed: Anxieties of Power in the Islamic Republic
"Fattal is thorough in his research, deeply analytical in his writing and engaging in his storytelling; his decade-plus, of research has culminated in a book that is, quite simply, a must-read." ― Survival: Global Politics and Strategy, Russell Crandall and Frederick Richardson
.. ― PRAISE FOR THE SPANISH EDITION
“Guerrilla Marketing: Counterinsurgency and Capitalism in Colombia quite simply is a tour de force.” ― Kathleen McCaffrey, author of Military Power and Popular Protest
"Written two years before the global COVID-19 pandemic, Fattal’s predictions that Colombia would remain in a murky period of peace, demobilization, and reintegration appear startlingly true." ― Latin American Research Review
“Now that the hyped Colombian ‘peace agreement’ lies in tatters, Fattal’s meticulously detailed book is not only timely but theoretically refreshing and politically astute. Combining peasant stories of life in the guerrilla with a top-down view of media manipulation, it opens us up to novel understandings of the use of images and the power of anthropology.” ― Michael Taussig, author of Palma Africana
“Guerrilla Marketing was a revelation about the extent to which consumer marketing has found a place in the Colombian government’s strategy to make counterinsurgency seem humanitarian.” ― Shirley Lindenbaum, author of Kuru Sorcery: Disease and Danger in the New Guinea Highlands
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Guerrilla Marketing
Counterinsurgency and Capitalism in Colombia
By Alexander L. FattalThe University of Chicago Press
Copyright © 2018 The University of ChicagoAll rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-226-59050-9
Contents
Preface,Introduction: Guerrilla Marketing Omar,
CHAPTER 1. An Archaeology of Media Spectacle, 1974–2008 Juana,
CHAPTER 2. Operation Christmas Gabriel,
CHAPTER 3. Operation Genuine Claudia,
CHAPTER 4. The Good Life Deferred and Risks of Remobilization Sergio,
CONCLUSION: The Colombian Model Diego,
EPILOGUE: Target Intimacy,
Acknowledgments,
Notes,
Bibliography,
Index,
CHAPTER 1
An Archaeology of Media Spectacle, 1974–2008
How did the state come to believe that branding could help defeat the FARC? What I will argue in this chapter is that the government's marketing campaigns to demobilize individual guerrillas emerges from a layered history of the Colombian armed conflict's mediatization. By mediatization I mean the increasingly central role of the media in the war as it wore on. The chronicle starts in the early 1970s and ends in the mid-2000s, when the PAHD began to outsource its campaigns to Lowe/SSP3. Until the turn of the millennium, the state's media operations had largely acted defensively, responding to provocations from guerrilla groups, drug cartels, and paramilitary forces. Locked in a spiral of crisis and response, the state tumbled along in a multifront propaganda battle with a mutating cohort of violent groups. For most of this history, illegal armed actors proved more agile than the state in adapting to a changing media environment. Each armed group adopted the others' media tactics and adapted them in a process of multiparty mirroring. Faced with the impossible task of tracing all of the feedback of media tactics among the multiplicity of armed actors in the late twentieth century, I have chosen to highlight a few of the strategic adaptations of one group's tactics by another. Taken together, the transitions I expand upon below provide crucial context for the emergence of the PAHD's brand of brand warfare.
The M19: From Agitprop to Armed Propaganda
Since its beginnings in the mid-1960s, the FARC has drawn upon the communist tradition of agitprop, a portmanteau of agitation and propaganda, which emerged in the Soviet Union after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. The theoretical distinction between agitation and propaganda was precisely that: theoretical. In What Is to Be Done? Vladimir Lenin validated Russian Marxist Georgi Plekhanov's idea that agitation strategically simplifies and repeats a message to the masses, while propaganda is a matter of contextual critique that targets elites. Peter Kenez, historian of the early Soviet Union, maintains that "the distinction between agitation and propaganda is not a helpful one. One suspects it became part of Soviet parlance only because of Lenin's endorsement."
As a practice, agitprop emerged from the Russian Civil War that followed the October Revolution of 1917, when the Red Army traveled with mobile propaganda theaters to build support for socialist ideals as it contended with defenders of the old regime. In the 1920s the Soviets drew upon their experience with propaganda theater to deploy agitprop brigades to factories and rural areas. The hallmark of agitprop was its highly materialist focus. For example, the agitprop brigades enlisted workers to contribute financially to the operation of the plant and, like sales managers, set benchmarks in their efforts to bolster collectivization in the rural areas. These roving troupes used satirical songs, tongue twisters, literary montages, and short skits to try to instill a sense of responsibility for collective production among factory workers and peasants. The agitprop brigades complemented the ideological work of state-produced newspapers, books, films, and posters. Kenez compellingly argues that this early period laid the foundation of the Soviet propaganda state.
Between the 1930s and early 1970s, the Soviets exported their propaganda techniques through international communist parties and their youth leagues. Agitprop focused on local, often nonliterate publics, which meant that it translated easily to Latin American contexts. Promising youth leaders from across the region traveled to ideological meetings with their Latin American peers in Moscow. The meetings included discussion of the principles of agitprop and training in the technologies of the day. In Colombia, these young men (they were almost always men) were drawn from the Communist Youth League, or JUCO, and fast-tracked into the FARC's leadership upon their return. Heavily influenced by the Soviet Union and the Communist Party since its inception, the FARC has retained a materialist disposition toward propaganda and a primarily rural vision of the revolution (postures that after the mid-1980s it would cautiously reform).
By the end of the 1960s, in the midst of expanding urbanization, a new branch of revolutionary fervor was growing in Latin America that argued for the need to bring the struggle to the cities. The first groups of this new wave were National Liberation Action in Brazil (1967–74), Tupamaros in Uruguay (1967–72), and Montoneros in Argentina (1970–79). The idea of an urban guerrilla came to Colombia a bit later. In 1972 a group of young people, many of whom had been alienated by the Communist Party, and some of whom had attended ideological trainings in Moscow, began to challenge central assumptions of the Colombian left. They questioned the utility of importing ideologies from the Soviet Union, China, or Cuba, as well as the rural bias of revolutionary struggle. By February 1974 they would break off and begin their own group, the Movimiento 19 de Abril, or M19.
The M19 became famous for its signature strategy, propaganda armada, or armed propaganda. Most definitions I gathered from former militants track closely with that of Carlos, an early member of the M19, who said: "Propaganda armada is a military action whose fundamental objective is to disseminate a message, an ideological message. It is a propaganda action that's done with the help of arms." In essence, propaganda armada privileges political message over military force, in actions that tend to render weaponry stage props first and deadly armament second. The M19's theatrical acts resignified symbols to engage in a mediated dialogue with politics at the national level, as opposed to more localized communication. Propaganda armada is best explained by example, which is why I focus on the event that served as the M19's dramatic launch: the theft of the sword of Simon Bolívar, independence hero of northern South America. But first let's back up and meet the story's protagonist.
Jaime Bateman defied stereotypes of disciplined revolutionaries. His curly afro and gregarious style marked him as a costeño (someone from Colombia's Caribbean coast). He carried himself with an air of informality and irreverence, and would liken the revolution to a party to which Colombians of all types were invited. He rose quickly through the ranks of the Communist Youth League, or JUCO. On multiple occasions the Communist Party selected him for ideological training in Moscow and Havana. In Bogotá, Bateman excelled at agitprop, a skill that launched him into the group's national leadership. He visited FARC camps to deliver supplies and lecture the rank and file about Marxism. His charisma and dedication earned him the trust of Jacobo Arenas, the FARC's ideologue and second in command.
Even as he ascended in the FARC, Bateman maintained his strongest relationships with his Bogotá-based comrades in the JUCO. When the Communist Party tasked Bateman with creating a military structure to oversee logistics in the cities, he turned to friends from the JUCO, many of whom had dramatic ideas for urban operations. Luis Otero, a zealous member of the JUCO, recalled one conversation with Bateman about Simon Bolívar's sword:
The original idea came from reading a book by the Tupamaros [urban guerrilla group in Montevideo, Uruguay] where they talked about how they recuperated the flag of Artigas. I told El Flaco [Bateman's nickname, "Skinny"], "The Tupamaros stole the flag of Artigas — why don't we steal Bolívar's sword?" He answered, "Propose it to the military commission [of the FARC]."
Otero recalled that when Bateman proposed the idea to the leadership of the Communist Party, "they responded that it was foolish because the sword is just an object in a museum."
Feeling restricted by party discipline, Bateman and his friends began to gather informally. The Communist Party accused Bateman of being a "fractionalist" and engaging in "parallelism" for meeting with people who had been banned from the party, and in 1972 the party expelled him. The secretary general implored members of the party to avoid contact with Bateman's growing clique: "We have to guard against ... those who are singing to the young communists with a siren's voice about the 'urban guerrilla.' Its adventurist ideas are out of sync with the reality of our country." Though the accusation of adventurism proved prescient, thousands of people were flooding the cities to look for work. In that sense the FARC and the Communist Party were the ones out of sync with Colombia reality.
For a short year Bateman and a group of friends and conspirators met. They talked about transcending the "ideological cannibalism of the left" and creating an urban guerrilla that could embody an appealing and nondogmatic style. In October 1973 the group held what is now considered the M19's foundational meeting. As Arjaid, one of the twenty-two people present that day, told me, "We didn't want to talk about the huge socialist debates of Hegel, Marx, Engels, Lenin. No, here we needed to interpret ourselves, to build socialism the Colombian way."
In preparing for the group's dramatic launch, Bateman, thirty-four years old at the time, would rely not only on a group of twentysomethings but also on the friendships he cultivated among the intelligentsia. In designing the propaganda strategy for the operation to "recuperate" Bolívar's sword, Bateman relied on his friend Nelson Osorio, a poet and singer-songwriter who earned a living in consumer marketing. Carlos, who played a key role in the M19's early media operations, described Osorio as the M19's closest collaborator. Carlos had sought asylum in Sweden in 1986, and in one of our interviews in Stockholm's Culture House, he described to me Osorio's role in the M19's early propaganda operations: "Anything that had to do with propaganda strategy, he was the man. [The M19 leadership] had total confidence in him."
Osorio died of cancer in the early 2000s. I located his son Orlando, a telenovela producer in Bogotá. Orlando and I spoke in Bogotá's Commerce Club. He was surprised that I had sought him out but pleased at the chance to reflect on his father's life. "He was a salesman for Cabot. He never spoke about it — he hated it. He traveled to different parts of the country selling drugs from laboratories," he said.
"What kind of drugs?" I asked.
"Alercet and Bayer, all the labs that are here. For [artists], they were annoying jobs. Though they were the kind of people who never get bored. In the 1970s, intellectuals started going into publicity [publicidad]. ... Television was coming to the country, and all of a sudden there were a lot of jobs in publicity."
Carlos recounted one of the campaigns that Nelson Osorio crafted.
He told me, "I need to do something to bring a new refrigerator to the Colombian market. I have an idea, but it's going to be pretty expensive."
"What's the idea?"
"I think I need to put a small animal from the arctic, Antarctica, inside the refrigerator, and when the owner opens it the animal comes out — to give an idea of the natural cold."
"A penguin," I said.
"That's it!" he said."
In designing the advertising campaign to build expectation for the theft of Bolívar's sword, Osorio combined the element of surprise he had used in the penguin commercial with his experience selling over-the-counter drugs.
On January 12, 1974, the M19 placed its first advertisement in El Tiempo, Colombia's largest daily paper. "Parasites ... worms? Wait — M19." The advertisement was simple in its design, with white block letters on a black background and two equilateral triangles connected at a point, like a bowtie. Iterations of the ad appeared in the Colombian press with increasing frequency over the following week: "Aging ... lack of memory? Wait — M19"; "Low on energy ... bored? Wait — M19" (figure 1.1). The advertisements ran in the major newspapers of Colombia's most populous cities, often displayed prominently at the foot of a page dedicated to movie listings and graphic advertisements — a dense semiotic space. Carlos paraphrased the advertising campaign for me: "Insomnia, anxiety, stomach problems? Wait — M19." Smirking, he said, "People were expecting a new medicine."
On January 17, 1974, the day of the operation, El Tiempo carried a simple text box on the top left corner on its front page that read, "It's coming ... today the M19 arrives."
Between 4:30 and 5:00 p.m., when most tourists were leaving, six militants trickled into the Quinta de Bolívar, the liberator's last Bogotá residence, which the government had transformed into a museum. Álvaro Fayad, known as "the Turk" (an oblique reference to his Lebanese heritage), commanded the operation. On cue, the group tied up the security guards and stormed into Bolívar's bedroom. Fayad shattered the crystalline casing, grabbed the sword's handle, and tucked its 85-centimeter blade under his full-length ruana. Other militants scattered copies of the M19's first public declaration —"Bolívar, Your Sword has Returned to the Struggle"— throughout the museum. Here is an excerpt from that statement:
Bolívar has not died. His sword breaks through the cobwebs of the museum to the battles of the present. And now it points its tip at those who exploit the people. Against those who, with foreigners, own the country. Against those who shuttered it in a museum to rust. Those who distort the idea of the liberator.
When the getaway car passed the agreed-upon spot, Carlos Pizarro (who would go on to become the M19's last commander) alerted the media: "Go to the Quinta de Bolívar. It's the M19." Within three hours the radio was reporting the news.
Alternativa magazine, Latin America's most exciting literary project of the 1970s, launched one month after the M19 stole Bolívar's sword, and the magazine lavished coverage on the event in its inaugural issue. The news dominated its cover. Atop page 24 the magazine published a photograph of the sword lying diagonally on top of a map of South America, in front of an M19 banner, the barrel of a rifle jutting into the frame (figure 1.2). Bateman frequented the offices of Alternativa, which is where he recruited Carlos. Alternativa grew out of a collaboration between Gabriel García Márquez, the country's most famous journalist-turned-novelist and 1982 Nobel laureate in literature; Enrique Santos Calderón, scion of a family that produces presidents and has owned El Tiempo, who, in a betrayal of his class, tacked to the left; and Orlando Fals Borda, the renowned sociologist of the Colombian conflict.
The media played a pivotal role at every stage of the operation. The M19 managed to create a media event through its savvy use of advertising, not only resignifying the sword and shifting the ideological justification of guerrilla struggle from a menu of international leftist doctrines to a more nationalist key, but also transforming media spectacle into a central dimension of Colombia's guerrilla wars. Without firing a shot or injuring a human being, the M19 had managed to take a sacred object from the state and activate its dormant political potency. Bateman aptly described the sword as "a symbol worth more than a thousand rifles."
Throughout the fifteen years of the group's existence, the military tried in vain to recapture the sword, detaining and torturing many M19 members and sympathizers. In the process, the military studied the M19 and its acts of propaganda armada. These armed antics entertained middle-class Colombian audiences and won the group unprecedented sympathy in the cities by confounding expectations of the militant left. The group's political currency rose with its media profile.
As Bateman's growing clique experimented with its novel form of armed media politics, it found that its most successful acts did not end with the loss of life. In 1976, two years after the M19 stole Bolívar's sword, it kidnapped José Raquel Mercado, a union boss that it accused of betraying his base by secretly colluding with the aristocracy. The M19 called for a public "trial" and asked people to opine on whether Mercado was guilty. The M19 circulated photographs of Mercado held in a "people's jail" and printed the "charges" leveled against him, threatening to kill him on their namesake day, April 19. The M19 demanded four significant pro-labor reforms in exchange for Mercado's life. The government refused to negotiate, sweeping up members of the M19 (and nearly capturing Bolívar's sword in the process). The rebel group decided to kill Mercado, and left his body on a sidewalk alongside a busy public square in Bogotá, with two bullet wounds in its chest. Darío Villamizar Herrera, a former member of the M19 and its official historian, wrote that the kidnapping, "trial," and death of Mercado "placed the M19 before the country no longer as a group of audacious and cool young people, but as a guerrilla movement." Bateman himself came to lament the episode, insinuating that he had hoped the government would negotiate and that the result would have been different. Villamizar Herrera writes, "For many people, even with all of the charges [against Mercado] and people shouting from every corner 'Yes, guilty,' extinguishing a life that way was an inhumane resolution."
(Continues...)Excerpted from Guerrilla Marketing by Alexander L. Fattal. Copyright © 2018 The University of Chicago. Excerpted by permission of The University of Chicago Press.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.
Product details
- ASIN : B07KN2HV5L
- Publisher : The University of Chicago Press; First edition (December 10, 2018)
- Publication date : December 10, 2018
- Language : English
- File size : 3371 KB
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Screen Reader : Supported
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Not Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Sticky notes : On Kindle Scribe
- Print length : 324 pages
- Best Sellers Rank: #2,077,897 in Kindle Store (See Top 100 in Kindle Store)
- #92 in History of Colombia
- #305 in Colombian History
- #1,309 in History of Central America
- Customer Reviews:
Customer reviews
Customer Reviews, including Product Star Ratings help customers to learn more about the product and decide whether it is the right product for them.
To calculate the overall star rating and percentage breakdown by star, we don’t use a simple average. Instead, our system considers things like how recent a review is and if the reviewer bought the item on Amazon. It also analyzed reviews to verify trustworthiness.
Learn more how customers reviews work on Amazon-
Top reviews