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David T. Canon
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Race, Redistricting, and Representation: The Unintended Consequences of Black Majority Districts (American Politics and Political Economy Series) 1st Edition, Kindle Edition

by David T. Canon (Author) Format: Kindle Edition
4.2 out of 5 stars 7 ratings
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Since the creation of minority-dominated congressional districts eight years ago, the Supreme Court has condemned the move as akin to "political apartheid," while many African-American leaders argue that such districts are required for authentic representation.

In the most comprehensive treatment of the subject to date, David Canon shows that the unintended consequences of black majority districts actually contradict the common wisdom that whites will not be adequately represented in these areas. Not only do black candidates need white votes to win, but this crucial "swing" vote often decides the race. And, once elected, even the black members who appeal primarily to black voters usually do a better job than white members of walking the racial tightrope, balancing the needs of their diverse constituents.

Ultimately, Canon contends, minority districting is good for the country as a whole. These districts not only give African Americans a greater voice in the political process, they promote a politics of commonality—a biracial politics—rather than a politics of difference.
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  1. ISBN-13
    978-0226789088
  2. Edition
    1st
  3. Publisher
    The University of Chicago Press
  4. Publication date
    July 17, 2020
  5. Part of series
    American Politics and Political Economy
  6. Language
    English
  7. File size
    8.4 MB
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About the Author

David T. Canon is assistant professor of political science at Duke University.

Product details

  • ASIN ‏ : ‎ B08NN1KWJX
  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ The University of Chicago Press; 1st edition (July 17, 2020)
  • Publication date ‏ : ‎ July 17, 2020
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • File size ‏ : ‎ 8.4 MB
  • Text-to-Speech ‏ : ‎ Enabled
  • Screen Reader ‏ : ‎ Supported
  • Enhanced typesetting ‏ : ‎ Enabled
  • X-Ray ‏ : ‎ Not Enabled
  • Word Wise ‏ : ‎ Enabled
  • Print length ‏ : ‎ 322 pages
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.2 out of 5 stars 7 ratings

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David T. Canon

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Top reviews from the United States

  • neoagegirl
    3.0 out of 5 stars Useful.
    Reviewed in the United States on April 5, 2017
    Verified Purchase
    Got it for a class, pretty useful info but a little dated
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  • M.P. Arsenault
    4.0 out of 5 stars Predicting Representation Styles In Black Majority Districts
    Reviewed in the United States on October 23, 2005
    In an attempt to predict the behavior of representatives as well as political outcomes in black majority districts, Canon develops the "supply-side theory." Canon writes, the "supply-side perspective examines the process of candidate emergence: how individual politicians respond to the electoral context imposed by new district lines, and in turn, their decisions shape electoral outcome in a given district" (93).

    According to Canon's theory, as black majority districts are created, a high number of black candidates will emerge. He further suggests that if only black candidates run, the winning black candidate will adhere to a "politics of commonality" approach to representation. If a white candidate is also in the field, the winning black candidate will adhere to a "politics of difference" approach to representation (94). In other words, in a black majority district, "the presence or absence of a white candidate will determine which type of black candidate wins" (96).

    In order to test the supply-side theory and explore the balancing approach to representation, Canon developed a methodology composed of both quantitative and qualitative methods; here termed a method of triangulation.

    From the qualitative school, Canon uses comparative case study analysis. Canon uses two case studies of black majority districts in North Carolina. In addition to case studies, Canon conducted a number of interviews with representatives and staffers. The qualitative method allows the author to concentrate on individual behaviors and motivations. The author argues that the use of case studies and interviews allows for the exploration of variables such as personal ambition, and other variables that motivate candidates to enter political races. In addition, Canon concludes that "members of Congress (from black majority districts) get elected by appealing to different electoral coalitions, and they stay in office by keeping those constituencies happy," in other words, by maintaining a balancing approach to representation (143).

    In order to support his hypothesis with quantitative evidence, Canon uses a data set that "includes the race of every candidate in House districts that were at least 30 percent black in 1972, 1982, and 1992" (96). This data set allows the author to test specific assumptions by controlling for different variables across districts. Furthermore, Canon offers a host of regression analyses covering many instances of race in politics in the House of Representatives. He uses Leadership Conference on Civil Rights scores, statistics of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC), racial content of bills and legislative outcomes, and others. The research illustrates a number of important phenomena regarding the representation of black constituents by African-American legislators.

    First, in the early years of the CBC, black legislators maintained a politics of difference style of representation. However, after 1992, an influx of moderate black representatives changed the make up of the CBC. Canon proposes that these changes are a result of supply-side and "constituency-based" factors. In other words, as black representatives more often appeal to a politics of commonality campaign style, the style is translated into a representative style in the House. Once in the House, the representatives who were elected on a platform of commonality take a balancing approach to representation. Canon's quantitative research promotes that "For many members of the CBC it makes sense to break with the CBC and work with the Democratic leadership on one piece of legislations, while simultaneously speaking out for minority interests on another" (199). In other words, the new black representatives consciously follow a system of acknowledging racial issues, but consider both white and black interests.

    Lastly, the question arises as to whether black majority districts deny representation to white constituents. Canon has discovered that black members representing a duality of racial interests are better able to balance the diverse needs of black and white constituents, than white representatives (244). As such, Canon argues that black majority districts serve as good "middle-ground position" for both proponents of commonality and difference methods of representation. He feels that it is imperative that minorities receive a greater political representation and the creation of black majority districts does not impinge on the rights of white constituents as the politics of difference was not predominate in black majority districts.
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